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Editorials: Choosing the next PRO 7 chief
Roperos: Balamban’s growth
Nalzaro: Revolt of some businessmen in Lapu-Lapu
Libre: Cries of the Burmese people
Barrita: Wa’s libro
Carvajal: The big difference
Speak out: ‘Overpriced’ PCs in Lapu-Lapu
Speak out: Tourism advantage

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Saturday, September 29, 2007
Libre: Cries of the Burmese people
By Mel libre
Seriously Now


THE pro-democracy protests in the Union of Myanmar had all the makings of a people power revolution. But when the military junta realized it could mean the end of their grip on government, it unleashed its soldiers to quell the wave of protestors led by thousands of Buddhist monks.

The military operation did not end in the streets but continued in the monasteries where perceived leaders among the monks were arrested.

The display of brutality and the lack of respect for religion and basic human rights are not new to the elite circle of dictators who compose the State Law and Order Restoration Council, which staged a coup d’etat in 1988 against then military ruler General Ne Win, who put an end to the democratic government in 1962.

Previous anti-government demonstrations had ended in violence and further repression of dissent, the more prominent being in 1974 during the funeral of UN Secretary General U Thant and in 1988, known as the 8888 Uprising.

With the intent of legitimizing their power, the military rulers allowed free elections in May 1990 and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s party took 392 out of the 489 seats in the People’s Assembly.

Suu Kyi, who was given the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, never became prime minister nor was her party allowed to serve in the legislature. Instead, she remains in house arrest and her followers were imprisoned, if not hounded, by the military.

Until now, Suu Kyi remains the sole figure that seems to represent the hope of this nation that happens to be the biggest in terms of land area among continental Southeast Asian countries.

During the Asean Summit in Cebu, there were attempts to address the need for democratic reforms in Myanmar, but the move could not fly for lack of consensus. There were those who believed that the issues raised were internal and outside the bounds of the Asean framework.

Despite international pressure and domestic opposition to the regime, the military rulers have resolved to keep themselves in power. And not even the Buddhist monks that provide the moral and religious nourishment to the repressed Burmese population can change that.

The Myanmar government has not been a threat to any of its neighbors, neither has it ambitions like those in North Korea or Iran. It is therefore difficult for other nations to get involved in its politics. But then it has trampled upon the basic rights of people as contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

At this point, countries that remain friendly with Myanmar such as China, Russia and India must join the ever growing protest against the repressive regime.

When governments and international organizations take a common stand, change is bound to happen. One good example is the case of Nelson Mandela, who was imprisoned for his anti-apartheid stand. His release and the dismantling of apartheid was a result of a movement that included governments, human rights organizations, the United Nations, artists, sports personalities and religious leaders.

Forty five years under military rule is the worst thing that could happen to a people. Even peace-loving Buddhist monks could no longer take things in stride.

But the generals have themselves become immune and deaf to the cry of the Burmese people. The world should make clear its stand---and now is the opportune time.

For Bisaya stories from Cebu. Click here.

(September 29, 2007 issue)
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