LOCAL governments in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (Armm) did not enjoy a good reputation for a long time. They were perceived to be generally non-functional. Services were barely delivered to constituents, and the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) and other public resources that barangay, municipal, city and provincial local governments had access to were thought to have been used for personal gain.
Many municipal halls were closed on workdays; officials and staff conducted business when and where convenient to them, often in nearby capital towns and cities. The local governments were, in many cases, under the control of powerful clans who wielded considerable influence and firepower.
The few local governments units (LGUs) that were functional like Upi, Datu Paglas and Bongao meantime had to deal with considerable challenges faced by communities that suffered from high levels of poverty, and recurring conflicts and displacements.
These LGUs that applied themselves got recognition and support from national and international partners through programs like the Local Governance Support Program in Armm (LGSPA). But problematic regional policies that did not clearly delineate the service delivery roles and accountabilities of LGUs vis-à-vis those of regional bodies, and the prevailing regional environment in first 20 years of the now 25-year-old Armm were constraints that could not be easily overcome.
The majority of the Armm LGUs were by and large dismissed as liabilities to their communities. It was almost as if there was little expected from these LGUs -- that they were expected to fail even; and the good practices that did emanate from their ranks were greeted as pleasant surprises, rather than the norm. Many initiatives for peace and development were directly implemented by national and regional government agencies, international development agencies, and non-government organizations with only the most basic of coordination with LGUs.
The massacre perpetrated by the Ampatuans that occurred in 2009 dramatized to the rest of the world the notoriety of warlord clans that had gained control of local governments, and were tolerated and even actively supported by higher level officials and elements of the military in furtherance of mutually beneficial arrangements.
No wonder then that the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and other forces for change in the Bangsamoro areas had a generally lukewarm attitude when it came to local governments. The draft Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) submitted to the 16th Philippine Congress guaranteed the non-diminution of privileges currently enjoyed by LGUs under existing laws.
However, there was little by way of local governance reforms articulated in House Bill (HB) 4994 and Senate Bill (SB) 2408.
But local governments can play very important roles in peace building. I saw this for myself in Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte. This was the locality that was ground zero in two major conflict episodes involving the Bangsamoro: the all-out war against the MILF declared by Pres. Joseph Estrada in 2000, and the rampage in 2008 by forces led by Commander Bravo, who had broken away from the MILF in the aftermath of the failure of the Memorandum of Agreement-Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD).
Historically, Kauswagan was also the site of armed encounters between the Ilaga who were Christians, and Barracuda forces who were Muslims.
Kauswagan is only 20 kilometers away from Iligan City. But a few years ago, in some respects, it could very well have been situated in a more remote area. Many Kauswaganons, mostly descendants of settlers who had come from the Visayas (only 21 percent of Kauswagan residents are Maranaos), had to fetch water from hard-to-reach sources.
Now a number of Kauswaganons are experiencing the benefits of small-scale water systems that are community-managed. Parents are relieved that children need no longer be late for or miss school, because they have been spared water-fetching duties. Water access is a particular boon to Muslim residents who need water to perform ablutions that are requisite for daily prayers.
Groups like the Assisi Development Foundation, Inc. (ADFI), and the Department of Agriculture (DA) partnered with the Kauswagan local government in recognition of its sound intentions, and supported the water systems and other initiatives.
National and international partners targeting conflict-affected areas are on the lookout for local mechanisms that could facilitate project identification, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation. In the Bangsamoro, functional LGUs could be among the local mechanisms. A few initiatives successfully carried out not only will have a demonstration effect; they can also serve as magnets for more support. This is an approach well demonstrated in Kauswagan; the projects initially implemented by the LGU with the support of a few partners drew the attention and assistance of other agencies and organizations.
Kauswagan has had its share of both Maranao and Christian leaders. But prior to the administration of Mayor Rommel C. Arnado, who got elected in 2010, Maranao and Visayan barangay residents alike attested that it was difficult for them to approach officials and staff in the municipal hall.
"Hindi kami pinapansin," (They wouldn't pay attention to us) was a constant complaint. These days, barangay residents say they have no qualms about engaging LGU functionaries for the delivery of economic, social and environmental services. They also confirm the 24/7-service orientation of the Mayor who at odd hours can be observed checking on town facilities and security services.
Many communities find good governance a difficult concept to grasp. More so those groups that have been excluded by government, or saw themselves as targets of the war making powers of government. Functional local governments can help good governance become more real to marginalized communities. For people in inaccessible and neglected areas, like those of the Bangsamoro, LGUs are the face of government. And if these LGUs are not reformed, negative sentiments about government would persist unchecked.
Peace initiatives need not only be the domain of government agencies like the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (Opapp). The Kauswagan LGU's Arms to Farms Program that introduces organic farming to MILF groups not only in Kauswagan but also in adjoining municipalities garnered the 2014 Galing-Pook Award. In interviews, Mayor Arnado makes it a point to say that the laying down of firearms is not a precondition to participating in Arms to Farms.
What the Program is after is for beneficiaries to "surrender their hearts". This is not romanticism, the establishment of trust and openness, and the strengthening of social cohesion are long-term goals in peace building. The LGU also took steps to resolve conflict over land involving Maranaos and Visayans who are contesting ownership of a 24-hectare property, and to convert it to a peace park. Although the initiative is stalled, the LGU notes that cattle rustling, armed encounters, and ambuscades that used to be regular occurrences in the area have abated.
Assuming the BBL passes into law, the new regional government will have its hands full with the different and complicated tasks of transitioning to the envisioned new state of governance, peace and development in the Bangsamoro. The Bangsamoro new political entity will stand to gain from the peacebuilding efforts of local governments, as will communities. Assuming of course that reforms are instituted in local governance in the Bangsamoro, and local governments are also capacitated and supported.
It is high time that the Bangsamoro peoples expect more from their local governments.
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