Espinoza: Drunk driving: What is missing?

Free Zone
Espinoza: Drunk driving: What is missing?
Elias EspinozaFree Zone
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The death of entrepreneur Kingston Ralph Cheng on Feb. 8, 2026, after he was hit by a vehicle driven by Sean Andrew Pajarillo inevitably reignites a difficult question: is our existing legal framework on drunk driving strong enough — or is enforcement the real weakness?

/ Generated with AI

And once again, politicians are quick to react: amend the law; increase the penalties; overhaul the Land Transportation and Traffic Code, or Republic Act (RA) 4136; and make it harsher.

But the truth is: our country does not suffer from a lack of drunk driving laws. It suffers from a lack of strict and consistent enforcement.

Drunk and drugged driving is already penalized under RA 10586, or the Anti-Drunk and Drugged Driving Act of 2013. Long before that, reckless driving and criminal negligence were punishable under RA 4136 and the Revised Penal Code. When intoxicated driving results in death, the offender faces imprisonment, fines, license revocation and civil liability.

RA 10586, enacted on May 27, 2013, criminalizes driving under the influence of alcohol, dangerous drugs, or similar intoxicating substances. It was introduced to promote public safety and responsible driving amid rising vehicular accidents linked to intoxicated motorists.

Before calling for an overhaul of RA 4136 or RA 10586, policymakers should first determine what specific deficiency in the law they would fix. If the concern is low conviction rates, the issue may lie in prosecutorial capacity and evidence handling. If the concern is deterrence, then visibility of enforcement matter more than merely increasing penalties.

But law reform should be precise, not reactive. Tragedies understandably stir public demand for harsher laws. Yet piling amendments onto existing statutes without addressing enforcement infrastructure risks symbolic reform rather than substantive change.

Ultimately, deterrence rests on three pillars: clarity of law, certainty of detection and swiftness of the result. The Philippines already has the first. It struggles with the second and third.

I have yet to see sobriety checkpoints randomly conducted by the police during weekends or holidays. I doubt that police have portable breath analyzers for breath testing. Chemical tests are delayed. The test on Pajarillo, based on reports, was done 19 hours after the incident. With due respect, it appears that evidence collection was sloppy

In such an environment, amending the law becomes politically convenient but practically hollow. It gives the appearance of action without confronting the harder work of institutional reform. Rewriting the statutes will not save lives until the enforcement gaps are addressed.

In Australia, police use breath tests (breathalyzers) to measure alcohol vapor in deep lung air to estimate blood alcohol content using fuel cell or infrared sensors. If a driver exceeds the legal limit (commonly 0.08 percent), it establishes probable cause for arrest.

The notion that harsher penalties alone will solve the problem is misleading. We already impose prison terms. We already revoke licenses. We already criminalize reckless imprudence resulting in homicide. The issue is not legislative weakness — it is operational indecision.

There is also a deeper cultural problem. Drunk driving remains socially tolerated. “Nakainom na, pero kaya ra.” “Duol ra.” These lines of reasonings kill. Enforcement must be relentless enough to change behavior. People obey traffic laws not because they fear the harsher penalty but because they expect dire consequences.

Kingston’s death should not be reduced to another headline that produces another symbolic amendment. If we truly want justice to mean something beyond punishment after tragedy, then the focus must shift from reactive lawmaking to proactive enforcement.

In Kingston’s case, the public’s grief and anger are real and justified. But if reform is to honor his memory meaningfully, it should focus less on rewriting statutes and more on ensuring that no intoxicated driver believes he can get behind the wheel and escape accountability.

Will the entry of the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) 7 to investigate the death of Kingston influence change on the complaint for reckless imprudence resulting in homicide already filed against Sean Andrew Pajarillo? Pajarillo posted bail for his temporary liberty.

If the bureau conducts a more meticulous reconstruction, re-examines forensic evidence, verifies intoxication findings and strengthens the evidentiary chain — then prosecutors may reassess whether the facts justify filing under RA 10586, the Anti-Drunk and Drugged Driving Act, instead of the reckless imprudence case.

That recommendation can carry weight, especially in highly sensitive cases, like Kingston’s. Under RA 10586, if intoxication is clearly established and results in death, the penalties are higher and more specific than “reckless imprudence” under the Revised Penal Code.

The distinction matters because reckless imprudence focuses on negligence, while RA 10586 focuses on driving under the influence of liquor or drugs, a specific statutory violation. If the NBI finds stronger evidence of intoxication corroborated by credible witnesses, the prosecutor may elevate or amend the charge accordingly.

In the end, the real turning point will not be the NBI’s entry. It will be the prosecutor’s decision, which is where the legal theory is chosen. That is where accountability either strengthens — or softens.

Kingston’s death demands more than investigative reshuffling. It demands a case built on solid proof and pursued without delay. This is because justice is not determined by which badge investigates. It is determined by whether the evidence is strong enough to withstand the courtroom.

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