IN THE Philippines, political dynasties operate much like established brands — well-known family names passed down from one generation to the next that command loyalty, wield influence, and maintain political dominance.
Similar to how branding builds trust in business, these families capitalize on their reputations to secure votes, solidify control, and shape public opinion, often sidelining new leaders and reformists.
These influential families have long held sway over the country’s political system, raising concerns about limited access to leadership roles, the erosion of democratic processes, and the persistence of patronage politics.
A brief history
The influence of political dynasties stretches far back into Philippine history. Before Spanish colonization, barangays were governed by local leaders called datus. The Spanish disrupted this decentralized structure through the reducción system, absorbing local leaders into the colonial administration and forming the principalía, a class of native elites granted wealth, land, and authority.
Spanish historian Juan Antonio Inarejos noted that many of these elites misused their positions, resorting to extortion and land grabbing to gain power and favor. Over time, these roles became hereditary, laying the groundwork for today’s dynastic politics.
The American colonial period further entrenched these families by restricting suffrage and public office to Americans and principalía members, reinforcing social stratification and institutionalizing nepotism.
As older dynasties faded, new ones rose to take their place. Today, political families continue to dominate the majority of elected positions across the country.
Understanding political dynasties
According to a study by the Ateneo School of Government, a political dynasty refers to families with multiple members occupying elected positions either one after another or simultaneously. This generational cycle of political control is a hallmark of dynastic rule.
These dynasties have been linked to widespread poverty and governance issues, including conflicts of interest, unchecked corruption, nepotism, cronyism, human rights violations, and high-profile political scandals.
Their power often extends beyond elected office, reaching into the justice system, law enforcement, and public institutions — making them difficult to challenge and allowing them to act with near impunity.
‘Thin’, ‘fat’ dynasties
There are two types of political dynasties — thin and fat — according to Neil Ryan Pancho, a political science professor at Ateneo de Davao University.
A thin dynasty is one in which a political clan controls a single elected position over time. A fat dynasty is one in which a political clan holds multiple government positions simultaneously.
The numbers
A recent report by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), published in January 2025, found that 113 of the country’s 149 city mayors belong to political dynasties.
A total of 80, or about 53%, of all city mayors are dynasts seeking reelection. Meanwhile, 27 sitting city mayors are considering family members as their successors as they run for other positions.
In some cities where non-dynastic mayors currently lead, political clans are preparing to challenge the incumbents.
Previous PCIJ research also shows that political dynasties dominate congressional districts, party-list groups, and gubernatorial races.
By 2025, dynastic control will have increased significantly: 80% of provincial governors now belong to “fat dynasties,” up from 57% in 2004. In the House of Representatives, dynastic representation has grown to 67% from 48% in 2004, while dynast-controlled mayoral posts rose to 53% from 40%.
In the 2022 Senate elections, at least 12.5% of the leading candidates had relatives already in the 24-seat chamber. Notably, 4.5% (800 out of 18,000) of contested positions had only a single dynastic candidate running unopposed.
Since 2001, Filipinos have elected four presidents who are descendants of political dynasties: the Marcoses, Dutertes, Aquinos, and Macapagal-Arroyos — all of whom have shaped the nation’s political landscape in the 21st century.
The legal gap
Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution states: “The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.” However, despite this provision, no law has ever been passed to implement it.
Pancho emphasized that while the Constitution includes an anti-dynasty clause, Congress — dominated by political clans — has never enacted an enabling law. Despite numerous bills filed, none have succeeded.
Speaking at a recent forum at Holy Cross of Davao College, Pancho said, “For over three decades, there has been no enabling law. Many attempts have been made to end political dynasties, but none have succeeded.”
Although the Constitution introduced term limits, this has ironically encouraged dynastic succession through spouses and children. “Once you become mayor or congressman, you spawn societal networks composed of barangay captains. Eventually, your spouse will run for office,” Pancho said.
Attempts to end dynasties
Over the years, figures like the late Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago and party-list groups such as Gabriela, ACT, Anakpawis, and Kabataan have filed anti-dynasty bills, but all have stalled in Congress.
Civil society organizations like the Movement Against Dynasties (MAD) and the Anti-Dynasty Movement (Andayamo) continue to push for reform. Legal scholars from the University of the Philippines have even brought the issue to the Supreme Court, urging lawmakers to fulfill their constitutional duty.
Despite these efforts, political dynasties remain deeply embedded in the Philippine political structure, hindering inclusive and accountable governance.
Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) Executive Director Rona Ann Caritos noted that areas under dynastic control face higher risks of corruption. “That’s why people don’t get the services and programs they deserve,” she said.
“Checks and balances are integral to our government, which is why the legislative, executive, and judiciary branches are separate. If families control both the executive and legislative branches, there’s no more check and balance. That’s why corruption happens; that’s why bad governance happens,” Caritos added.
Level of acceptance
A WR Numero national survey conducted in September 2024 found that 1 in 2 Filipinos believe government officials from political dynasties are more likely to be corrupt. Only 16% disagreed, while 31% were undecided.
This belief was strongest in Metro Manila (67%), followed by South Luzon (58%) and the Visayas (51%). Fewer respondents in North-Central Luzon (43%) and Mindanao (40%) shared this view.
The survey noted that this perception cuts across income levels and political leanings.
Despite this, 56% of respondents — particularly from the Visayas and Mindanao — said they saw nothing wrong with family members running in the same election. Acceptance was highest among administration supporters (62%) and lowest in Metro Manila (46%).
Interestingly, wealthier respondents (Class ABC) were more likely to oppose dynastic candidates (47%) than those in Classes D and E.
The non-commissioned survey has a ±2% national margin of error and ±5–6% per region.
Fueling election violence
Pancho warned that political dynasties are a key driver of violence in local elections, where personal rivalries can escalate into deadly confrontations.
“In local politics, dynasties can make political competition violent,” he said.
He cited the deadly feud between the Ampatuan and Mangudadatu clans that led to the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, one of the worst election-related incidents in Philippine history, which killed 58 people — including 32 journalists.
Such rivalries often lead the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to declare certain areas as “election hotspots,” implementing gun bans to curb potential violence.
Pancho also contrasted national and local campaigns: “National politics may be diplomatic, but at the local level, it becomes deeply personal.”
“I’ve attended miting de avance events where the attacks are uncensored and vicious,” he added.
Victims of election-related violence often include not just candidates but also supporters, voters, and Comelec personnel. “Every time an election officer is killed, I feel bad. These are the people safeguarding our democracy, yet they become targets,” he said.
In Mindanao, political tensions are further inflamed by rido (clan feuds), which often erupt into violence.
On March 26, 2025, Election Officer Atty. Maceda Abo and her husband Jojo were ambushed and killed along the Cotabato-Shariff Aguak Road in Datu Odin Sinsuat, Maguindanao del Norte — one of the latest politically motivated attacks.
Hard to regulate?
At the same forum, Comelec-Davao Acting Regional Director Atty. Gay Enumerables acknowledged the commission’s limited ability to curb political dynasties, citing the absence of an enabling law.
“If there’s no law prohibiting political dynasties, anyone can file their certificate of candidacy,” Enumerables said.
She pointed out that a small step was taken through the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) Reform Act of 2015, which disqualifies SK candidates who are second-degree relatives of incumbent officials.
In the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (Barmm), the Bangsamoro Transition Authority enacted the Bangsamoro Electoral Code through the Bangsamoro Autonomy Act No. 35 in March 2023, approved by the Comelec in April 2024. Article IV, Section 3(d) of the Code states: "Nominees submitted by the RPPP [regional parliamentary political party] shall not be related to each other within the second degree of consanguinity or affinity."
Will it succeed?
Pancho expressed doubt that dynastic politics will end anytime soon, noting that legislators themselves come from political clans.
“There’s a saying in political science: you cannot legislate against your own interest,” he said, explaining why the Anti-Dynasty Bill remains pending.
As a compromise, Pancho proposed at least limiting “fat” dynasties.
“If no law is passed by 2040, 70% of the House of Representatives will be full political dynasties,” he warned.
He added that many capable individuals who are not members of political clans are being deprived of the opportunity to serve.
Atty. Rizz Monique Macato, Associate Attorney at Macato, Manalo, and Mercado Law, stressed that while the Constitution enshrines equal opportunity, the lack of an enabling law undermines this promise.
“The definition of political dynasty must be clearly established in law,” she said. “It’s high time to pass the law. In fact, it’s already too late. We definitely have to push for it.” RGL